Government of Norway
Speech/statement | Date: 12/05/2025
By Minister of Foreign Affairs Espen Barth Eide (Stortinget, 8 April 2025)
Mr President,
Norway is contending with the most serious security situation it has faced since the Second World War.
Today is 8 April. Precisely 85 years ago, the German cruiser Blücher was sailing northwards from Germany. The cruiser was to meet its fate near the Oscarsborg Fortress in the early hours of the following day, thanks to the decisive action of Colonel Birger Eriksen.
That was the day war came to Norway.
For Norway, 8 April 1940 was the last day of the post-First World War period, the period we subsequently renamed the ‘interwar period’.
The first decade of the interwar period, i.e. the 1920s, was a time of rapid economic growth, industrialisation and development. Women in many countries gained the right to vote. Social, cultural and technological changes challenged the established norms.
But these years also saw a rapid increase in inequality.
Mercantilism, stock market crashes, and tariff and trade wars led to economic depression and mass unemployment in the 1930s. This, in turn, spurred the rise of strong nationalist and authoritarian movements. Movements that consistently took an ‘us-versus-them’ approach. That stifled the public debate, burned books and attacked editor-controlled media.
Towards the end of the 1930s, we witnessed powerful states taking control of neighbouring countries. Major powers acted as they pleased. Western democracies failed in their attempts at appeasement. In September 1939, the Second World War began, and reached Norway on 9 April.
The world order that was gradually built up after peace came in 1945 was largely inspired by lessons drawn from the 1930s and the sequence of events that led to the Second World War.
Following the complete collapse of civilisation that the Second World War and Holocaust represented, agreement was reached on the need to establish mechanisms that could prevent a new global catastrophe.
Out of the ruins grew a new international order.
We saw the adoption of the UN Charter and the development of modern international law. The Geneva Conventions and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights were signed.
The Council of Europe was established to safeguard the rule of law and prevent arbitrary abuses of power.
We saw the implementation of the Marshall Plan and the establishment of the OECD, and the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community, the precursor to the EU.
NATO was founded, with a firm basis in the right to self-defence as set out in the UN Charter.
We saw the creation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the forerunner to the World Trade Organization, whose main purpose was to reduce trade barriers and promote open, rules-based trade.
The US played a pivotal role in all of these initiatives. Without President Roosevelt, there would be no UN. Without President Truman, there would be no NATO.
The US was willing to take on the role of hegemon, acting as a kind of steward of both the global and the Western post-war order. US power, based on its economic weight, military capabilities, diplomacy, culture, innovation and aid, created Pax Americana: the American peace. Large parts of the world, not least countries like us in Western Europe, benefited greatly. Thanks to the US security guarantee, we were able to spend less on defence and could devote more of our resources to developing our welfare-based societies.
For 80 years, the norms and institutions that were created after 1945 have been the very fabric of the international legal order. Despite challenges and setbacks along the way, they have helped to prevent a new global war.
Throughout this period, Norwegian foreign and security policy has rested on two main pillars:
One is the UN and international law, as the foundation of a rules-based world order. Norway has consistently sought to promote a better organised world.
The other is the clear recognition that we need a strong national and collective defence within the framework of the transatlantic alliance, with the US as the key guarantor of our security.
Mr President,
These pillars of our foreign and security policy are still in place, but they are being challenged.
Today, there are many who feel a deep sense of unease. Many are wondering whether peace is under threat again. This is understandable, given the daily storm of events we are contending with. But also because questions are being raised about the fundamental moorings of our security policy. Will they hold if the wind picks up further?
‘History doesn’t repeat itself, but it often rhymes,’ as they say.
Having responsibility for the conduct of foreign policy in such turbulent times places extra demands on us. This is a responsibility that I personally and the Government as a whole take very seriously. At times like these, two things are particularly important.
First, we must be honest and frank about what is happening. This is not the time to downplay the gravity of the situation.
Second, it is important that we steer the country in the right direction and hold our course. We must reaffirm where we stand and what we are seeking to achieve, and we must determine how we can best cooperate with those who share our key interests and values.
In times of uncertainty, we are stronger when we stand together.
Mr President,
Russia’s brutal war against Ukraine is a defining event for European security, and has changed European security thinking. The war poses the greatest threat to European and Norwegian security for many decades.
The war has now been going on for 11 years. It started with the occupation of Crimea and parts of eastern Ukraine in 2014. The subsequent full-scale invasion in 2022 constitutes a blatant violation of the most fundamental principle of international law: respect for the sovereignty of other states.
Norway knows whose side it is on in this war. Ukraine has international law on its side. Ukraine is not just fighting for itself; it is fighting for Europe, for Norway, and for the values and world order that we are seeking to preserve. And it is fighting against an authoritarian and aggressive regime that is threatening stability across Europe.
The outcome of the war remains uncertain. However this war ends, the impact on the Ukrainian people, on Europe and on Norway will be profound.
If Russia succeeds in Ukraine, it is likely to become more dangerous and more willing to take risks. As stated in NATO’s Strategic Concept, we cannot rule out the possibility of a future Russian attack on Allied territory.
A Russian victory would have unimaginable consequences for European politics and would change the framework for Norwegian and European security.
I returned from Ukraine a few days ago. Minister of Labour and Social Inclusion Tonje Brenna and I had visited Kyiv and Kharkiv.
Kharkiv is Ukraine’s second largest city and is located just a few kilometres from the front.
The effects of the war were palpable. Our visit reminded us of the horrors of war. And of the impact this war is having on the daily lives of millions of Ukrainians.
But we also witnessed a resilience and determination that is truly humbling.
We will stand with Ukraine until the end. And we will be there when it is time to rebuild the country.
It is crucial that we continue to support Ukraine. And the West must stand united in doing so. Europe simply cannot allow Putin to win this war.
The broad-based agreement in the Storting on Norway’s position on the war is one of our country’s great strengths, Mr President. The cross-party support for the Nansen Support Programme for Ukraine has received recognition far beyond Ukraine’s borders.
So far, Norway has allocated approximately NOK 216 billion to Ukraine, for the period from the start of the full-scale invasion up to the end of 2030. It was important that Norway increased its support so early in 2025, and this was the right thing to do.
The unpredictable situation we have seen in recent weeks shows how vital it was to increase the funding framework for the Nansen Support Programme. Our support will help to put Ukraine in the strongest possible position, including for any peace negotiations.
Norway’s support to Ukraine is based on Ukraine’s needs. And let there be no doubt: the assistance we have provided under the Nansen Support Programme, both military and civilian, has strengthened the country.
Further military support measures are being assessed on an ongoing basis.
Civilian support from Norway is helping to keep the wheels of society turning in Ukraine. Our funding is being used to repair damaged roads and houses, and to provide Ukrainians with electricity. The funding is also being used to purchase gas, provide emergency generators and support projects to enhance nuclear safety and security.
Norway is also providing substantial funding to rebuild damaged energy infrastructure and to help Ukraine make the transition to a more modern and resilient power system. In addition, Ukraine has received thousands of donations of all sizes from individual Norwegian businesses.
Norway’s significant humanitarian support is providing millions of Ukrainians with much-needed protection, cash transfers, and life-saving assistance in the form of shelter, food, water and sanitation, health care and schooling. Our support for mine clearance activities plays an important role in making people’s daily lives safer and in enabling people in parts of Ukraine to resume agricultural activities.
We are providing this support, first, to ensure that Russia does not win its illegal war of aggression. And, second, to prepare Ukraine as well as possible for the peace that will come after this war.
Because like most wars, this war, too, will end. This war, too, will be followed by a post-war period. We know from experience that how wars end is all-important. If Ukraine is still vulnerable even after the hostilities have ceased, this would be a recipe for continued instability.
President Trump has made it clear that he wants a swift end to this war. We welcome this. We all want peace, and no one wants peace more than the Ukrainians themselves.
But on what terms?
We must work to achieve a just and lasting peace.
A lasting peace in Ukraine is not just important for Ukraine. We must make sure we do not end up with a ‘new Yalta’. It is 80 years since Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin met on the Crimean Peninsula to agree on strategy in the final phase of the Second World War. Their discussions turned out to have a far more lasting impact: Europe was divided in two.
We must prevent anything similar from happening again, and we must make sure that negotiations are not carried out over the heads of those who are most affected.
Norway’s position is clear: both Ukraine and Europe must be included in the negotiations. Not only by participating directly; they must be involved in determining the conditions for the talks.
We must continue to strengthen Ukraine on the battlefield so that it can negotiate from the best possible position. Ukraine’s sovereignty and independence must be safeguarded. Any future membership of alliances or organisations must be Ukraine’s decision.
Peace negotiations must not take place in a way that gives President Putin an opportunity to dictate the conditions. The aim must be to secure a lasting, sustainable peace, not just a pause in the hostilities. Here, Norway can draw on its experience of conflict resolution to help Ukraine prepare for any future negotiations.
And if, and I stress if, the ongoing negotiation attempts are successful in bringing an end to the war, this will in no way make our support to Ukraine superfluous. Ukraine will need to be rebuilt. Ukraine’s security will need to be safeguarded. Refugees will need to be able to return. Infrastructure will need to be restored.
The day peace is achieved, we will still have an enormous job ahead of us. And on that day too, we will stand together with Ukraine.
Ukraine is the second largest country in Europe, a significant industrial nation and a major exporter of food products.
Ukraine has Europe’s second largest army, extensive experience on the battlefield and an increasingly advanced arms industry. Providing support to Ukraine now is therefore not only an expression of solidarity; it is in our own security interests that Ukraine stands firmly with the West after the war.
A scenario where there is a Russian-led, undemocratic, heavily armed regime in Kyiv would be a source of instability and conflict in Europe.
Because, Mr President, we must assume that Russia will continue to be an authoritarian and revanchist state even once the war with Ukraine is over. Russian hybrid attacks and interference in the internal affairs of other countries will not end even when the guns fall silent in Donbas.
Mr President,
Across the Atlantic, Norway’s most important ally has a new President.
In a number of areas, the rhetoric has been disturbing. In the course of just 11 weeks, we have seen a major political upheaval.
Unlike during Donald Trump’s first term as President, the MAGA movement is now the dominant force in the Republican Party.
Today, the movement controls all the top command posts in US politics. Its representatives are already making changes that will transform the US as we know it.
We see this, for example, in the Trump Administration’s approach to areas such as regulation of new technology, social media and other aspects of the information society. And in its approach to issues such as gender, diversity, academic freedom, inclusion and democracy. This is creating an unwanted divide between Europe and the US.
We are also witnessing a major shift in US global policy – in areas such as trade, climate policy, global health, development aid and democracy promotion.
For the international community, the potential ramifications are wide-ranging.
Overall, the US seems to be moving away from its stabilising role as a cornerstone of the liberal world order.
Mr President,
This year marks 200 years since the first organised emigration from Norway to the US. Celebrations will take place throughout the year, including during the visit of the Crown Prince and Crown Princess to New York and the Midwest in October. These bicentennial events provide a good opportunity to reaffirm the long-lasting ties between our two countries, which extend beyond the changes in focus of successive administrations.
The US is our close ally, and it is important that Norwegian and European perspectives are taken into account in the assessments now being made Washington. In trade policy, security policy and on other issues that directly affect our core shared interests.
To achieve this, we must engage with the US at both the federal level and the state level. We must demonstrate the value of Norway and NATO to the US while at the same time standing up for our fundamental principles.
It is still in Norway’s interest to cooperate constructively with the US. This is because the US is vital to Norwegian security. Like Norway, the US is an Arctic coastal state. It is also an important partner for Norwegian businesses and Norwegian knowledge and research institutions.
But it is primarily in the area of security policy that we have long-term mutual interests that transcend party politics.
Late last week, I took part in the Meeting of NATO Ministers of Foreign Affairs, where Secretary of State Marco Rubio reaffirmed that the US is, and will remain, a member of NATO, and that there should be no doubt about US commitment to Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty. It was a clarification that many Allies appreciated hearing.
Nevertheless, the US has long demanded more from Europe in terms of burden-sharing within NATO. President Trump, like so many presidents before him, wants Europe to shoulder a greater share of the responsibility for safeguarding Europe’s security.
We agree on this, and we are helping to make it happen. The US’s greatest strategic rival is not in Europe, but in Asia. This has been the case for many years.
Under the current Trump Administration, these demands on Europe have become more explicit.
Where we previously spoke of burden-sharing in NATO, the discussions are now also about burden shifting.
Burden shifting refers to a situation where the US would remain a key partner to Europe in strategic deterrence, but with a reduced conventional footprint on our continent. The nuclear umbrella would stay in place, but there would be fewer US soldiers on the ground.
In concrete terms, it would require us to invest in defence capabilities that the US has previously provided, making it possible to conduct European operations more independently.
Europe must deliver on this, and Norway will do its part.
In other words, we must invest far more in our own security. And we must cooperate even more closely with our most important Allies in Europe.
That is why the Government is investing heavily in the Norwegian Armed Forces, under a Long-term Defence Plan that will increase our defence spending to 3 % of GDP.
Mr President,
The Arctic is our most important strategic priority. The Government attaches great importance to the ongoing work to update Norway’s Arctic policy for a new era. Before the summer, we will be presenting a new Arctic strategy. We will give priority to maintaining vital and resilient communities in the north of our country. The major initiative to strengthen our defence in the north will focus on total preparedness, settlement growth and business development.
There can be no security without the people of the north, and no people there without security.
We will continue to support the Arctic Council as the primary forum for multilateral cooperation in the Arctic. Norway’s chairship will soon be over, and the Council has retained all eight of its member states as well as representatives of indigenous peoples and observers. We must work to keep it that way.
There is growing interest in the security situation in the Arctic. Norway welcomes this.
We have been trying for decades to make the Arctic a higher priority within NATO. This is now happening. The Arctic was one of the topics discussed at the meeting of NATO Foreign Ministers last week. There is broad consensus on the importance of understanding the new security reality in the north, and of the need to address this through closer Allied cooperation.
However, the reason the Arctic is attracting this attention is not quite so positive.
Repeated statements from the Trump Administration about the need to control Greenland are not the kind of thing we are used to hearing from a friend and Ally. The Kingdom of Denmark’s sovereignty must be respected, and any changes to the unity of the Danish realm are a matter to be resolved by Copenhagen and Nuuk, and no one else. Norway stands firmly with the Kingdom of Denmark in this challenging situation.
Mr President,
In the postwar years, the US was a beacon of global free trade. Now, however, President Trump sees free trade as a threat to the US economy. Countries that have a trade surplus with the US are viewed as taking advantage of it. The US’s neighbours, Canada and Mexico, were the first to feel the effects. We have seen a marked shift towards protectionism and trade barriers.
On Wednesday, so-called ‘Liberation Day’, President Trump imposed high tariffs on countries around the world. As anticipated, stock markets fell, and so did the value of the dollar, oil prices and confidence in the US economy.
This is the most severe setback for global trade since the Second World War. Tariffs of the magnitude we are seeing today will weaken the global economy and threaten countless jobs. In a trade war, everybody loses. We all benefit from an open, rules-based system for global trade.
Mr President,
European cooperation was important before. It is even more important now.
Norway’s economy is first and foremost European. In a world where security, the economy and technology are increasingly interwoven, higher priority must be given to economic security.
How the EU handles this trade war will have a significant impact on the Norwegian economy.
If economy activity in the eurozone declines, it will dampen activity in Norwegian companies that export to Europe. The EEA Agreement is quite simply our lifeline to the EU in this situation. Maintaining the integrity of the single market is crucial.
Tariff increases and other trade barriers are creating uncertainty in Norway as well. Companies and jobs here may be affected. Every fifth job in our country is tied to the export sector.
In the short run, a trade war between the major economies may trigger inflation and push global interest rates up. In the longer term, the result could be fragmentation of the global economy and weaker global growth.
Well over 80 % of Norwegian exports go to the EU and the UK. Norway is highly integrated with the European economy. What we are most concerned about is therefore a trade conflict between the US and the EU that has negative repercussions for Norwegian companies.
It is vital to ensure that Norway is not affected by any trade countermeasures introduced by the EU in response to US tariffs. Our view is that any trade barriers between the EU and Norway would be in violation of the EEA Agreement.
The Government is maintaining a close dialogue with the EU and with European capitals on this issue. We are reminding them of the EEA Agreement’s purpose and rules.
We have received assurances of goodwill and understanding from the European Commission and EU member states. No one in the EU will benefit from leaving Norway in the cold. But as an EEA country, Norway is outside the EU’s common trade policy and cannot assume that it will be exempt from any EU measures.
We must recognise that the EEA Agreement will not be at the top of the agenda when EU countries meet to determine their response to the US trade measures. We must therefore continually remind them of the importance of our cooperation under the EEA Agreement. Just yesterday, the Prime Minister led a delegation to Brussels to emphasise this point once again. We are also maintaining close contact with the Norwegian business community to share what we learn, receive input and coordinate our efforts.
Mr President,
It is crucial for Norway that the EU succeeds.
The EU plays a key role in all aspects of European cooperation. It has been a very long time since the economy and trade were its sole focus.
Today, EU initiatives encompass many other areas such as health, security, emergency preparedness, migration, climate change, space activities and technology. The EU is also committed to defending fundamental values such as the rule of law and democracy and to enhancing the competitiveness of the single market in the face of increasingly tough global competition.
National security is about more than just military capabilities, bullets and explosives. It is also about civil preparedness systems, procurement, logistics, access to critical data and civil protection in general. Many of these areas are highly relevant in the effort to address the threat landscape that Norway and Europe are facing today. And they are areas where close cooperation is essential.
European cooperation has always been important to Norway, even though we have chosen a different form of association from most like-minded countries. The EEA Agreement and our more than 100 other agreements with the EU have made Norway the EU’s closest non-member partner.
When Norway said yes to the EEA and no to full EU membership in 1994, the world was starting to embrace globalisation and free trade. The World Trade Organization (WTO) in its current form was established the following year. There was near universal belief in a rules-based global trading system.
For Norway at the time, it was far more important to be part of the single market than to join the EU’s common trade policy and customs union. In Europe and around the world, tariffs were being phased out as a tool of trade policy.
The reality today is very different. Globalisation has gone into reverse. Trade policy instruments are being deployed as political bargaining tools, including between like-minded countries. The World Trade Organization has come under severe pressure. Regionalisation, de-risking and ‘friendshoring’ have entered the trade policy vocabulary.
The WTO’s multilateral rules-based trading system has served Norway well and is the foundation for both Norwegian and European trade policy. These rules are now being challenged. We will stand with other countries that share our interests and values in defending rules-based global trade.
Mr President,
Norwegian security and defence cooperation with the EU has developed rapidly since Russia began its brutal full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Our cooperation is now extremely close.
Last May, Norway and the EU entered into a strategic partnership on security and defence. We are strengthening cooperation on crisis management, the defence industry, space activities, critical infrastructure and hybrid threats. In addition to its partnership with the EU, Norway is expanding bilateral security and defence cooperation with key countries in Europe, such as the UK, France, Germany, Poland and the Netherlands.
The other Nordic countries are Norway’s closest partners and allies, and Nordic security cooperation is being intensified.
For Norway, it is almost impossible to overstate the importance of having the entire Nordic region united within NATO. The accession of Finland and Sweden to the Alliance has altered strategic perspectives on the Arctic, strengthened NATO’s defence capabilities and raised awareness of our region and the northern seas.
We also attach great importance to our cooperation within the Nordic-Baltic Eight, or NB8, where we are working closely together on support for Ukraine, maritime security, hybrid threats and other issues. The Nordic-Baltic cooperation provides joint situational awareness and fosters closer integration within the region, from the Barents Sea to the Baltic Sea. It also promotes the interests of the region vis-à-vis other actors.
The Munich Security Conference in February has been followed by a series of meetings and initiatives aimed at significantly strengthening European cooperation on defence, security and foreign policy.
The EU countries plus Norway, the UK, Türkiye, Iceland and Canada have met a number of times to discuss how they can support Ukraine more effectively, not only while the war is still ongoing, but also if a ceasefire or peace agreement is reached and needs to be maintained.
This willingness to work to strengthen European cooperation is welcome, and it is necessary. As mentioned, it is also in line with the signals we have been receiving from the US.
Last month, the European Commission presented a white paper, Readiness 2030, on the future of European defence. It contains specific proposals for measures to enhance European defence capabilities and cooperation to strengthen Europe and the European defence industry by 2030.
Norway participates in the EU’s defence industrial cooperation under the EEA Agreement and our strategic defence and security partnership.
The UK is also strengthening its cooperation with the EU and key EU countries. It will have a central role to play in Europe’s future security architecture.
It is in Europe that we find the community of shared values that most reflect our own. Human rights, democracy and the rule of law. These are principles on which the Council of Europe was founded, and that underpin cooperation in the EU.
Last week, the Government presented a white paper on Norway’s efforts to strengthen and preserve democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Europe, with particular emphasis on cooperation in the Council of Europe.
When our values are being challenged, we must redouble our efforts.
It is especially important to stand by the principles and values on which Norwegian society is based, such as transparency, inclusion, diversity and tolerance.
Mr President,
Our commitment to the UN will remain one of the main pillars of Norwegian foreign policy, and the UN will continue to be a key arena for our broad international engagement
But the UN is facing its worst crisis for 80 years.
The multilateral system has been under considerable strain for a long time. Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and the conflicts in the Middle East have undermined confidence in the UN’s ability to maintain peace and security.
The widening gap between development and climate goals, on the one hand, and the decline in global financing, on the other, is creating tensions between wealthy countries, emerging economies and developing countries.
Global disarmament and non-proliferation is another area where we are seeing discord and a crisis of confidence. In today’s tense geopolitical situation, disarmament efforts are being overshadowed. It is more important than ever to safeguard the disarmament agreements we still have, and prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty is, and will continue to be, the most important of these agreements.
The UN system is facing a period of major change. The UN’s ability to deliver on the ground will be reduced, but Norway will do what it can to ensure that the reform efforts also enhance the effectiveness and efficiency of the organisation.
Negotiations on a UN framework convention on international tax cooperation are under way. Norway is playing an active and constructive role in these efforts.
There is broad-based support in the UN for the Financing for Development process, which seeks to reverse the negative trend in SDG financing.
The UN is taking steps to address new challenges. Under the Global Digital Compact, the international community is working together to determine how best to meet the challenges associated with digital advances, the internet and artificial intelligence.
In navigating this difficult terrain, Norway will continue to be a principled, flexible and predictable donor. We will target our support towards areas where it will have greatest impact.
Efforts to combat climate change have also been affected by the current situation. The relative progress that has been made in global climate action in recent years is now being threatened by other agendas and geopolitical tensions.
The EU has a vital role to play here as well. No other actor has translated the UN’s overall goals into concrete legislation and policy in the same way. Norway’s climate policy is closely linked to EU climate policy. The EU is committed to achieving its climate targets, and these efforts are increasingly aligned with initiatives to enhance competitiveness and security.
The green transition has by no means been cancelled. A dynamic decarbonisation policy can be a key driver of growth if this policy is well integrated with industrial, competitiveness and security policy initiatives. This is an opportunity to advance an industrial transformation that is inevitable. This is the approach the Norwegian authorities and business sector are taking as well.
Mr President, Norway is Europe’s most important energy exporter. Norway will continue to be a stable, reliable and credible supplier of energy to Europe, and the main supplier of gas to the EU and the UK. At the same time, we are working closely with both the EU and the UK to accelerate the decarbonisation of our energy systems.
Mr President,
Some 7 billion of the world’s 8 billion people do not live in the West. It is in our interest to build broad networks and alliances far beyond our own cultural horizons.
Norway is currently participating as a guest country in the G20 for the second year running. The fact that we have been a guest country under both the Brazilian and the South African presidencies is testimony to Norway’s reputation as a principled, credible partner in what we refer to as the ‘Global South’.
In the G20 as well, we promote our view that everyone benefits from a rules-based world order.
We are expanding our partnerships with countries in Africa. The Government’s Strategy for Norwegian engagement with African countries was launched in August last year.
As global cooperation arenas come under increasing pressure, regional organisations are gaining importance. Norway cooperates closely with the African Union and has strong bilateral relations with most African countries. Our experience of participating in the G20 and the UN clearly shows that maintaining good relations with Africa and individual African countries is in our own interests, in both economic and security policy terms.
For the same reasons, we have also further developed our relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which is becoming an increasingly important forum in the world’s most populous continent.
Mr President,
China is a superpower that is playing a more and more prominent role on the global stage. China’s influence in international organisations is growing. The country is becoming more actively engaged in virtually all global issues.
Now that the US is withdrawing from many areas of global cooperation, it is only to be expected that major powers like China will step in to fill parts of the vacuum the US is leaving behind. Which parts they are seeking to fill remains to be seen.
For Norway, China is a partner, a competitor and a strategic rival. It will not be possible to solve the major global challenges we are facing without the participation of China.
At the same time, there is much we disagree on, such as China’s approach to human rights and individual freedoms. We make this clear in our meetings with the country’s representatives. China’s policies in many areas challenge fundamental values that are of vital importance to ensuring Norwegian security, growth and prosperity.
We are also very clear about our views on China’s support for Russia’s illegal war in Ukraine. It undermines China’s credibility and is at odds with China’s portrayal of itself as a defender of peace, security and multilateralism.
China is the world’s second largest economy. The country has the world’s highest trade deficit, four times higher than the next country on the list.
Chinese products are dominant in a growing range of industries. China is playing a key role in the green transition. It is at the forefront of green energy innovation and dominates value chains for green technologies. A joint statement on establishing a dialogue on the green transition was signed by our two countries’ Prime Ministers in September last year.
China’s role as a climate actor is expected to become even more important now that the US has withdrawn from the Paris Agreement. China is showing clear leadership in the renewable energy field; the country is financing climate initiatives in developing countries and is the world’s largest carbon market.
Norway pursues an interest-based policy towards China, working closely with other Nordic and European countries.
We will exercise caution in our cooperation with China and Chinese actors in areas involving issues of national security. Norway will take a systematic, coherent approach to identifying risks in its relations with China and to ensuring that these are kept at an acceptable level.
Mr President,
Defending international law is at the core of the Labour Party Government’s foreign policy.
International law is the basis for all international cooperation. It is in the interests of all the world’s states that we have a world order based on rules, and not on the use of force alone.
That it is not the law of the strongest that prevails.
This is not just important for smaller countries. The interests of powerful states will also suffer if respect for international law is eroded. The North Atlantic Treaty, NATO’s founding charter, for example, is firmly based on the principles set out in the UN Charter.
For Norway, there is no alternative to maintaining an international order based on international law. That is why we have been very clear about the rules that apply and the need to comply with them, even when war is raging.
It is illegal to invade and occupy another country. It is illegal to deliberately bomb civilians. Whether in Ukraine, in Palestine or in Sudan.
It undermines international law when states operate with one set of rules for their friends and another set of rules for everyone else. This is not in Norway’s interests.
This is the message that we convey consistently, and we speak up against violations of international law, even if our friends are involved.
Norway has also made it very clear that those who commit international crimes must be held accountable. Accountability is vital in order to prevent future crimes, promote justice for victims and uphold respect for international law.
That is why we are so unwavering in our support for the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
Mr President,
In order to safeguard our core security and foreign policy interests, the Government has set clear priorities for the Foreign Service. We are strengthening our expertise on security policy and European policy. In addition, we are increasing staffing levels at certain key missions and enhancing security at missions in high-risk areas.
We are contending with a very serious situation, Mr President, and I have highlighted some of the challenges we are facing. There are, of course, many other important issues that I have not touched on today.
In Sudan, we are witnessing what may be the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, and the conflict is more deadlocked than it has been for a long time. There is a real danger that it will lead to a de facto division of the country.
These days, many conflicts and humanitarian crises receive little media coverage, but Norway is maintaining its active engagement in seeking solutions. For example, in South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo or in the Sahel region. Our extensive peace and reconciliation efforts will be presented in the form of a white paper in June.
High priority is also being given to fostering our strong bilateral relations with countries such as Brazil, India and South Africa and other emerging powers.
In closing, let me say a few words about the situation in the Middle East, a region to which many Norwegians have close ties.
Over the past eighteen months, we have witnessed intense hostilities between Hamas and Israel in Gaza and between Hezbollah and Israel in Lebanon, and open military confrontation between Iran and Israel.
In Syria, the Assad regime has fallen, and a new leadership has come to power in Damascus, which I visited in January.
Despite ongoing instability and violent clashes in western Syria, the signals we are receiving from the transitional government are generally positive. But it is still too early to say whether the new government will be able to unite the country.
What we can say with certainty is that diminished Iranian and Russian influence in Syria and the Middle East is having an impact on power dynamics across the entire region.
Mr President,
Gaza is in ruins. The ceasefire offered hope, but the war has now been resumed, and the nightmare for the Palestinians, and for the hostages and their families has returned.
We need a new ceasefire, but most of all we need a lasting political solution.
Gaza is a part of Palestine, and the Palestinian people have the right to self-determination in their own country.
On 28 May last year, Norway formally recognised Palestine as an independent state. A total of 149 countries have now recognised Palestine as a state. This is three-quarters of the UN member states. We are in good company, Mr President.
Support among the world’s countries for a two-state solution has never been clearer. Because only a two-state solution can bring lasting peace and security to Palestinians and Israelis alike.
Mr President,
It is still 8 April. We are still in the post-world war period. No enemy cruisers are making their way up the Oslofjord today.
Now, 85 years after war came to Norway, we have the advantage of knowing how things turned out back them. We can learn from our recent history.
We want this post-war period to continue to be a post-war period. Not to be renamed an interwar period in future history books.
The situation we are contending with is extremely serious. The signals are alarming.
But, Mr President, there is hope.
Norway and Europe have evolved since the Second World War.
Today, a united, well-integrated Europe is standing up for the values and principles that Norway, too, is built on. We have a strong defence alliance in NATO.
Europe is pulling together to address the current threat landscape, to rearm and to adapt as rapidly as possible. And it is preparing to assume greater responsibility across a broader range of areas.
And despite their shortcomings and flaws, the UN and the global institutions are still in place. We have 80 years’ experience of reaping the benefits of living in an increasingly rules-based world.
In its foreign policy, the Government will work to ensure that Norway remains consistent and predictable, principled and clear. We will cooperate with our friends and stand up against those who threaten us.
Unity, not unilateralism, is the Government’s marching order in the current situation.
At the same time, we will safeguard what is perhaps our most important strength here in Norway: our trust in democracy. Our trust in courts, the media and the authorities. And our trust in one another at a time when it is becoming more and more difficult to separate truth from lies. Preserving this trust will require a collective effort on the part of us all, both in and outside this chamber.
We know that there are clouds on the foreign policy horizon.
The Government is now taking much-needed, carefully considered steps to ensure that we are as well prepared as possible to tackle whatever comes our way. And we are doing this in cooperation with our closest friends.
And it is my impression that there is broad-based political willingness in this chamber to do what it will take to succeed in these efforts.
This is the most important national effort to be undertaken in our time. And there is a great deal of work to be done.
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